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Muslim Man on Hunger Strike After Being Served Pork in Detention Center

Muslim Man on Hunger Strike After Being Served Pork in Detention Center

A man being detained in Yokohama is refusing to eat after having been served pork

Wikimedia/Tila Monto

A Muslim man being detained at an immigration center in Yokohama, Japan, is reportedly on an extended hunger strike after having been served pork.

An observant Muslim man being held at a detention center in Yokohama, Japan, is currently refusing to eat in protest after having been served a meal containing pork.

According to Rocket News 24, the man is a 48-year-old immigrant from Pakistan, and on August 3 he was allegedly served a hot meal at the Yokohama immigration center where he’s being held in detention. He does not eat pork for religious reasons, but that meal allegedly contained ham. In response to being served something he’s forbidden from eating, the man is now reportedly refusing to consume anything besides water and nutrition supplements.

According to officials at the center, the man’s health is not in any danger.

Rocket News 24 reports that the same thing happened with another person last year, when a salad garnished with bacon was accidentally served to someone who did not eat pork for religious reasons. The center said it was merely an administrative error and apologized for the mixup.


The Northwest turns up the heat on ICE, making it harder to arrest and deport immigrants

A man in handcuffs locked to a belt chain trudged up metal stairs, eyes fixed on the door of a U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement charter plane bound for El Paso.

He turned and brightened when gusts carried the shrill tone of a whistle blown by one of a dozen activists 50 yards away. “No estas solo!” — You are not alone! — the activists yelled across the tarmac from behind chain-link and barbed-wire fencing.

Awkwardly, the man with a goatee and glasses — one of 51 unidentified detainees dispatched on a recent Tuesday by ICE — twisted his right wrist to wave.

Much of the focus on President Trump’s immigration crackdown has been at the U.S.-Mexico border, which has seen a surge of Central American asylum seekers hoping to cross into the United States. But more than 1,000 miles to the north, ICE finds itself bedeviled by activists, attorneys and politicians in the Pacific Northwest who are determined to gum up the machinery of immigration enforcement.

Their efforts have “significantly impacted” the agency’s ability to carry out its mission this year, said Tanya Roman, ICE spokeswoman for Washington, Oregon, Idaho and Alaska. “State and local efforts thwarting ICE operations serve only to create additional security concerns and add significant delays and costs to U.S. taxpayers,” she said in an emailed statement.

Washington state plays a lead role resisting federal immigration practices because its politics are “so diametrically opposed to the national policy of enforcement,” said Leidy Perez-Davis, policy counsel at the American Immigration Lawyers Assn. in Washington, D.C.

Opposition is also strong in Oregon, where last month state Supreme Court Chief Justice Martha L. Walters issued a rule forbidding ICE agents without warrants from arresting immigrants in or near courthouses.

In February, Washington immigrant rights attorneys won a settlement prohibiting Yakima County’s jail from holding inmates for ICE beyond their incarceration for local offenses. In May, Democratic Gov. Jay Inslee signed a measure called the Keep Washington Working Act, which curbs state and local law enforcement agencies’ collaboration with federal immigration agents and stops ICE from renting jail cells for detainees within two years.

None of these steps appeared to perturb ICE officials as much as a decision in April by western Washington’s King County to ban agency flights from Seattle’s Boeing Field. County Executive Dow Constantine said in his order that deportations raised troubling human rights concerns, “including separations of families … deportations of people into unsafe situations … and constitutional concerns of due process.”

ICE officials, turned down by other Northwest airports, were forced to switch the flights to Yakima, more than 100 miles to the southeast. Incoming and outgoing detainees are bused for hours across a snowy mountain pass between the central Washington farming hub and an ICE detention center in Tacoma.

The flights from Boeing Field had transported more than 34,000 detainees since 2010, according to public records obtained by the University of Washington Center for Human Rights. Planes most often flew to either Mesa, Ariz., or El Paso. From there, deportees were delivered to domestic detention centers, bused across the Mexican border or put on connecting flights to other countries.

ICE persists with its mission despite “severe challenges” that the flight relocation and other restrictions pose, Roman said. “We will continue to do our sworn duty to seek out dangerous criminal aliens and other immigration violators,” she said.

In a statement reacting to the Oregon courthouse arrest ban, ICE said it had turned to arresting immigrants at courthouses because of policies preventing county jails and state prisons from transferring inmates to the agency. “A courthouse may afford the most likely opportunity to locate a target and take him or her into custody,” Roman said.

Walters said her rule allowed state courts to hold accountable people accused of crimes. Washington Atty. Gen. Bob Ferguson made similar arguments when he sued the Trump administration Dec. 17 to end courthouse immigration arrests.

“Federal immigration officials are arresting people with no criminal history at all,” Ferguson said at a news conference. “As a result . individuals are refusing to participate in our justice system.”

Seven states — Washington, Oregon, California, Massachusetts, New York, New Jersey and New Mexico — have limited or blocked ICE agents from making arrests in courthouses, according to the American Civil Liberties Union of Oregon.

Post-election groundswell

Resistance to Trump’s immigration policies began in the Northwest soon after his election.

“We saw people rallying on the immigration issue who were so horrified by what they were seeing, whether it was the Muslim ban or cruel and misguided policies at the southern border,” said Enoka Herat, ACLU police practices and immigrant rights counsel in Seattle.

She was referring, in part, to Trump’s moratorium on admissions to the U.S. by people from a list of predominantly Muslim countries. The administration also came under fire for its family separation policy on the border and, later, its “Remain in Mexico” program, which keeps Central American asylum seekers waiting in Mexico.

Inslee signed an executive order in February 2017 restricting state agencies from helping to enforce federal immigration laws. But a year later, the Seattle Times reported that the Department of Licensing in Washington, a state that allows undocumented immigrants to get driver’s licenses, routinely gave ICE personal information that agents used to arrest and deport people.

Inslee told the department to stop sharing the data.

After Trump was elected, refugee rights groups formed a coalition called the Washington Immigrant Solidarity Network, which has grown to include more than 100 organizations. The network operates a statewide hotline taking information on raids and detentions by ICE and U.S. Customs and Border Protection. It trains and dispatches teams of lawyers and volunteers.

“When a call comes in about a raid, a team will go and begin to document by taking pictures, documenting the number of officers there, what types of vehicles they’re driving and who they are questioning,” said Brenda Rodríguez López, solidarity network coordinator. “The team meets with families, provides them with moral support, connects them to local resources and accompanies them to court hearings.”


The Northwest turns up the heat on ICE, making it harder to arrest and deport immigrants

A man in handcuffs locked to a belt chain trudged up metal stairs, eyes fixed on the door of a U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement charter plane bound for El Paso.

He turned and brightened when gusts carried the shrill tone of a whistle blown by one of a dozen activists 50 yards away. “No estas solo!” — You are not alone! — the activists yelled across the tarmac from behind chain-link and barbed-wire fencing.

Awkwardly, the man with a goatee and glasses — one of 51 unidentified detainees dispatched on a recent Tuesday by ICE — twisted his right wrist to wave.

Much of the focus on President Trump’s immigration crackdown has been at the U.S.-Mexico border, which has seen a surge of Central American asylum seekers hoping to cross into the United States. But more than 1,000 miles to the north, ICE finds itself bedeviled by activists, attorneys and politicians in the Pacific Northwest who are determined to gum up the machinery of immigration enforcement.

Their efforts have “significantly impacted” the agency’s ability to carry out its mission this year, said Tanya Roman, ICE spokeswoman for Washington, Oregon, Idaho and Alaska. “State and local efforts thwarting ICE operations serve only to create additional security concerns and add significant delays and costs to U.S. taxpayers,” she said in an emailed statement.

Washington state plays a lead role resisting federal immigration practices because its politics are “so diametrically opposed to the national policy of enforcement,” said Leidy Perez-Davis, policy counsel at the American Immigration Lawyers Assn. in Washington, D.C.

Opposition is also strong in Oregon, where last month state Supreme Court Chief Justice Martha L. Walters issued a rule forbidding ICE agents without warrants from arresting immigrants in or near courthouses.

In February, Washington immigrant rights attorneys won a settlement prohibiting Yakima County’s jail from holding inmates for ICE beyond their incarceration for local offenses. In May, Democratic Gov. Jay Inslee signed a measure called the Keep Washington Working Act, which curbs state and local law enforcement agencies’ collaboration with federal immigration agents and stops ICE from renting jail cells for detainees within two years.

None of these steps appeared to perturb ICE officials as much as a decision in April by western Washington’s King County to ban agency flights from Seattle’s Boeing Field. County Executive Dow Constantine said in his order that deportations raised troubling human rights concerns, “including separations of families … deportations of people into unsafe situations … and constitutional concerns of due process.”

ICE officials, turned down by other Northwest airports, were forced to switch the flights to Yakima, more than 100 miles to the southeast. Incoming and outgoing detainees are bused for hours across a snowy mountain pass between the central Washington farming hub and an ICE detention center in Tacoma.

The flights from Boeing Field had transported more than 34,000 detainees since 2010, according to public records obtained by the University of Washington Center for Human Rights. Planes most often flew to either Mesa, Ariz., or El Paso. From there, deportees were delivered to domestic detention centers, bused across the Mexican border or put on connecting flights to other countries.

ICE persists with its mission despite “severe challenges” that the flight relocation and other restrictions pose, Roman said. “We will continue to do our sworn duty to seek out dangerous criminal aliens and other immigration violators,” she said.

In a statement reacting to the Oregon courthouse arrest ban, ICE said it had turned to arresting immigrants at courthouses because of policies preventing county jails and state prisons from transferring inmates to the agency. “A courthouse may afford the most likely opportunity to locate a target and take him or her into custody,” Roman said.

Walters said her rule allowed state courts to hold accountable people accused of crimes. Washington Atty. Gen. Bob Ferguson made similar arguments when he sued the Trump administration Dec. 17 to end courthouse immigration arrests.

“Federal immigration officials are arresting people with no criminal history at all,” Ferguson said at a news conference. “As a result . individuals are refusing to participate in our justice system.”

Seven states — Washington, Oregon, California, Massachusetts, New York, New Jersey and New Mexico — have limited or blocked ICE agents from making arrests in courthouses, according to the American Civil Liberties Union of Oregon.

Post-election groundswell

Resistance to Trump’s immigration policies began in the Northwest soon after his election.

“We saw people rallying on the immigration issue who were so horrified by what they were seeing, whether it was the Muslim ban or cruel and misguided policies at the southern border,” said Enoka Herat, ACLU police practices and immigrant rights counsel in Seattle.

She was referring, in part, to Trump’s moratorium on admissions to the U.S. by people from a list of predominantly Muslim countries. The administration also came under fire for its family separation policy on the border and, later, its “Remain in Mexico” program, which keeps Central American asylum seekers waiting in Mexico.

Inslee signed an executive order in February 2017 restricting state agencies from helping to enforce federal immigration laws. But a year later, the Seattle Times reported that the Department of Licensing in Washington, a state that allows undocumented immigrants to get driver’s licenses, routinely gave ICE personal information that agents used to arrest and deport people.

Inslee told the department to stop sharing the data.

After Trump was elected, refugee rights groups formed a coalition called the Washington Immigrant Solidarity Network, which has grown to include more than 100 organizations. The network operates a statewide hotline taking information on raids and detentions by ICE and U.S. Customs and Border Protection. It trains and dispatches teams of lawyers and volunteers.

“When a call comes in about a raid, a team will go and begin to document by taking pictures, documenting the number of officers there, what types of vehicles they’re driving and who they are questioning,” said Brenda Rodríguez López, solidarity network coordinator. “The team meets with families, provides them with moral support, connects them to local resources and accompanies them to court hearings.”


The Northwest turns up the heat on ICE, making it harder to arrest and deport immigrants

A man in handcuffs locked to a belt chain trudged up metal stairs, eyes fixed on the door of a U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement charter plane bound for El Paso.

He turned and brightened when gusts carried the shrill tone of a whistle blown by one of a dozen activists 50 yards away. “No estas solo!” — You are not alone! — the activists yelled across the tarmac from behind chain-link and barbed-wire fencing.

Awkwardly, the man with a goatee and glasses — one of 51 unidentified detainees dispatched on a recent Tuesday by ICE — twisted his right wrist to wave.

Much of the focus on President Trump’s immigration crackdown has been at the U.S.-Mexico border, which has seen a surge of Central American asylum seekers hoping to cross into the United States. But more than 1,000 miles to the north, ICE finds itself bedeviled by activists, attorneys and politicians in the Pacific Northwest who are determined to gum up the machinery of immigration enforcement.

Their efforts have “significantly impacted” the agency’s ability to carry out its mission this year, said Tanya Roman, ICE spokeswoman for Washington, Oregon, Idaho and Alaska. “State and local efforts thwarting ICE operations serve only to create additional security concerns and add significant delays and costs to U.S. taxpayers,” she said in an emailed statement.

Washington state plays a lead role resisting federal immigration practices because its politics are “so diametrically opposed to the national policy of enforcement,” said Leidy Perez-Davis, policy counsel at the American Immigration Lawyers Assn. in Washington, D.C.

Opposition is also strong in Oregon, where last month state Supreme Court Chief Justice Martha L. Walters issued a rule forbidding ICE agents without warrants from arresting immigrants in or near courthouses.

In February, Washington immigrant rights attorneys won a settlement prohibiting Yakima County’s jail from holding inmates for ICE beyond their incarceration for local offenses. In May, Democratic Gov. Jay Inslee signed a measure called the Keep Washington Working Act, which curbs state and local law enforcement agencies’ collaboration with federal immigration agents and stops ICE from renting jail cells for detainees within two years.

None of these steps appeared to perturb ICE officials as much as a decision in April by western Washington’s King County to ban agency flights from Seattle’s Boeing Field. County Executive Dow Constantine said in his order that deportations raised troubling human rights concerns, “including separations of families … deportations of people into unsafe situations … and constitutional concerns of due process.”

ICE officials, turned down by other Northwest airports, were forced to switch the flights to Yakima, more than 100 miles to the southeast. Incoming and outgoing detainees are bused for hours across a snowy mountain pass between the central Washington farming hub and an ICE detention center in Tacoma.

The flights from Boeing Field had transported more than 34,000 detainees since 2010, according to public records obtained by the University of Washington Center for Human Rights. Planes most often flew to either Mesa, Ariz., or El Paso. From there, deportees were delivered to domestic detention centers, bused across the Mexican border or put on connecting flights to other countries.

ICE persists with its mission despite “severe challenges” that the flight relocation and other restrictions pose, Roman said. “We will continue to do our sworn duty to seek out dangerous criminal aliens and other immigration violators,” she said.

In a statement reacting to the Oregon courthouse arrest ban, ICE said it had turned to arresting immigrants at courthouses because of policies preventing county jails and state prisons from transferring inmates to the agency. “A courthouse may afford the most likely opportunity to locate a target and take him or her into custody,” Roman said.

Walters said her rule allowed state courts to hold accountable people accused of crimes. Washington Atty. Gen. Bob Ferguson made similar arguments when he sued the Trump administration Dec. 17 to end courthouse immigration arrests.

“Federal immigration officials are arresting people with no criminal history at all,” Ferguson said at a news conference. “As a result . individuals are refusing to participate in our justice system.”

Seven states — Washington, Oregon, California, Massachusetts, New York, New Jersey and New Mexico — have limited or blocked ICE agents from making arrests in courthouses, according to the American Civil Liberties Union of Oregon.

Post-election groundswell

Resistance to Trump’s immigration policies began in the Northwest soon after his election.

“We saw people rallying on the immigration issue who were so horrified by what they were seeing, whether it was the Muslim ban or cruel and misguided policies at the southern border,” said Enoka Herat, ACLU police practices and immigrant rights counsel in Seattle.

She was referring, in part, to Trump’s moratorium on admissions to the U.S. by people from a list of predominantly Muslim countries. The administration also came under fire for its family separation policy on the border and, later, its “Remain in Mexico” program, which keeps Central American asylum seekers waiting in Mexico.

Inslee signed an executive order in February 2017 restricting state agencies from helping to enforce federal immigration laws. But a year later, the Seattle Times reported that the Department of Licensing in Washington, a state that allows undocumented immigrants to get driver’s licenses, routinely gave ICE personal information that agents used to arrest and deport people.

Inslee told the department to stop sharing the data.

After Trump was elected, refugee rights groups formed a coalition called the Washington Immigrant Solidarity Network, which has grown to include more than 100 organizations. The network operates a statewide hotline taking information on raids and detentions by ICE and U.S. Customs and Border Protection. It trains and dispatches teams of lawyers and volunteers.

“When a call comes in about a raid, a team will go and begin to document by taking pictures, documenting the number of officers there, what types of vehicles they’re driving and who they are questioning,” said Brenda Rodríguez López, solidarity network coordinator. “The team meets with families, provides them with moral support, connects them to local resources and accompanies them to court hearings.”


The Northwest turns up the heat on ICE, making it harder to arrest and deport immigrants

A man in handcuffs locked to a belt chain trudged up metal stairs, eyes fixed on the door of a U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement charter plane bound for El Paso.

He turned and brightened when gusts carried the shrill tone of a whistle blown by one of a dozen activists 50 yards away. “No estas solo!” — You are not alone! — the activists yelled across the tarmac from behind chain-link and barbed-wire fencing.

Awkwardly, the man with a goatee and glasses — one of 51 unidentified detainees dispatched on a recent Tuesday by ICE — twisted his right wrist to wave.

Much of the focus on President Trump’s immigration crackdown has been at the U.S.-Mexico border, which has seen a surge of Central American asylum seekers hoping to cross into the United States. But more than 1,000 miles to the north, ICE finds itself bedeviled by activists, attorneys and politicians in the Pacific Northwest who are determined to gum up the machinery of immigration enforcement.

Their efforts have “significantly impacted” the agency’s ability to carry out its mission this year, said Tanya Roman, ICE spokeswoman for Washington, Oregon, Idaho and Alaska. “State and local efforts thwarting ICE operations serve only to create additional security concerns and add significant delays and costs to U.S. taxpayers,” she said in an emailed statement.

Washington state plays a lead role resisting federal immigration practices because its politics are “so diametrically opposed to the national policy of enforcement,” said Leidy Perez-Davis, policy counsel at the American Immigration Lawyers Assn. in Washington, D.C.

Opposition is also strong in Oregon, where last month state Supreme Court Chief Justice Martha L. Walters issued a rule forbidding ICE agents without warrants from arresting immigrants in or near courthouses.

In February, Washington immigrant rights attorneys won a settlement prohibiting Yakima County’s jail from holding inmates for ICE beyond their incarceration for local offenses. In May, Democratic Gov. Jay Inslee signed a measure called the Keep Washington Working Act, which curbs state and local law enforcement agencies’ collaboration with federal immigration agents and stops ICE from renting jail cells for detainees within two years.

None of these steps appeared to perturb ICE officials as much as a decision in April by western Washington’s King County to ban agency flights from Seattle’s Boeing Field. County Executive Dow Constantine said in his order that deportations raised troubling human rights concerns, “including separations of families … deportations of people into unsafe situations … and constitutional concerns of due process.”

ICE officials, turned down by other Northwest airports, were forced to switch the flights to Yakima, more than 100 miles to the southeast. Incoming and outgoing detainees are bused for hours across a snowy mountain pass between the central Washington farming hub and an ICE detention center in Tacoma.

The flights from Boeing Field had transported more than 34,000 detainees since 2010, according to public records obtained by the University of Washington Center for Human Rights. Planes most often flew to either Mesa, Ariz., or El Paso. From there, deportees were delivered to domestic detention centers, bused across the Mexican border or put on connecting flights to other countries.

ICE persists with its mission despite “severe challenges” that the flight relocation and other restrictions pose, Roman said. “We will continue to do our sworn duty to seek out dangerous criminal aliens and other immigration violators,” she said.

In a statement reacting to the Oregon courthouse arrest ban, ICE said it had turned to arresting immigrants at courthouses because of policies preventing county jails and state prisons from transferring inmates to the agency. “A courthouse may afford the most likely opportunity to locate a target and take him or her into custody,” Roman said.

Walters said her rule allowed state courts to hold accountable people accused of crimes. Washington Atty. Gen. Bob Ferguson made similar arguments when he sued the Trump administration Dec. 17 to end courthouse immigration arrests.

“Federal immigration officials are arresting people with no criminal history at all,” Ferguson said at a news conference. “As a result . individuals are refusing to participate in our justice system.”

Seven states — Washington, Oregon, California, Massachusetts, New York, New Jersey and New Mexico — have limited or blocked ICE agents from making arrests in courthouses, according to the American Civil Liberties Union of Oregon.

Post-election groundswell

Resistance to Trump’s immigration policies began in the Northwest soon after his election.

“We saw people rallying on the immigration issue who were so horrified by what they were seeing, whether it was the Muslim ban or cruel and misguided policies at the southern border,” said Enoka Herat, ACLU police practices and immigrant rights counsel in Seattle.

She was referring, in part, to Trump’s moratorium on admissions to the U.S. by people from a list of predominantly Muslim countries. The administration also came under fire for its family separation policy on the border and, later, its “Remain in Mexico” program, which keeps Central American asylum seekers waiting in Mexico.

Inslee signed an executive order in February 2017 restricting state agencies from helping to enforce federal immigration laws. But a year later, the Seattle Times reported that the Department of Licensing in Washington, a state that allows undocumented immigrants to get driver’s licenses, routinely gave ICE personal information that agents used to arrest and deport people.

Inslee told the department to stop sharing the data.

After Trump was elected, refugee rights groups formed a coalition called the Washington Immigrant Solidarity Network, which has grown to include more than 100 organizations. The network operates a statewide hotline taking information on raids and detentions by ICE and U.S. Customs and Border Protection. It trains and dispatches teams of lawyers and volunteers.

“When a call comes in about a raid, a team will go and begin to document by taking pictures, documenting the number of officers there, what types of vehicles they’re driving and who they are questioning,” said Brenda Rodríguez López, solidarity network coordinator. “The team meets with families, provides them with moral support, connects them to local resources and accompanies them to court hearings.”


The Northwest turns up the heat on ICE, making it harder to arrest and deport immigrants

A man in handcuffs locked to a belt chain trudged up metal stairs, eyes fixed on the door of a U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement charter plane bound for El Paso.

He turned and brightened when gusts carried the shrill tone of a whistle blown by one of a dozen activists 50 yards away. “No estas solo!” — You are not alone! — the activists yelled across the tarmac from behind chain-link and barbed-wire fencing.

Awkwardly, the man with a goatee and glasses — one of 51 unidentified detainees dispatched on a recent Tuesday by ICE — twisted his right wrist to wave.

Much of the focus on President Trump’s immigration crackdown has been at the U.S.-Mexico border, which has seen a surge of Central American asylum seekers hoping to cross into the United States. But more than 1,000 miles to the north, ICE finds itself bedeviled by activists, attorneys and politicians in the Pacific Northwest who are determined to gum up the machinery of immigration enforcement.

Their efforts have “significantly impacted” the agency’s ability to carry out its mission this year, said Tanya Roman, ICE spokeswoman for Washington, Oregon, Idaho and Alaska. “State and local efforts thwarting ICE operations serve only to create additional security concerns and add significant delays and costs to U.S. taxpayers,” she said in an emailed statement.

Washington state plays a lead role resisting federal immigration practices because its politics are “so diametrically opposed to the national policy of enforcement,” said Leidy Perez-Davis, policy counsel at the American Immigration Lawyers Assn. in Washington, D.C.

Opposition is also strong in Oregon, where last month state Supreme Court Chief Justice Martha L. Walters issued a rule forbidding ICE agents without warrants from arresting immigrants in or near courthouses.

In February, Washington immigrant rights attorneys won a settlement prohibiting Yakima County’s jail from holding inmates for ICE beyond their incarceration for local offenses. In May, Democratic Gov. Jay Inslee signed a measure called the Keep Washington Working Act, which curbs state and local law enforcement agencies’ collaboration with federal immigration agents and stops ICE from renting jail cells for detainees within two years.

None of these steps appeared to perturb ICE officials as much as a decision in April by western Washington’s King County to ban agency flights from Seattle’s Boeing Field. County Executive Dow Constantine said in his order that deportations raised troubling human rights concerns, “including separations of families … deportations of people into unsafe situations … and constitutional concerns of due process.”

ICE officials, turned down by other Northwest airports, were forced to switch the flights to Yakima, more than 100 miles to the southeast. Incoming and outgoing detainees are bused for hours across a snowy mountain pass between the central Washington farming hub and an ICE detention center in Tacoma.

The flights from Boeing Field had transported more than 34,000 detainees since 2010, according to public records obtained by the University of Washington Center for Human Rights. Planes most often flew to either Mesa, Ariz., or El Paso. From there, deportees were delivered to domestic detention centers, bused across the Mexican border or put on connecting flights to other countries.

ICE persists with its mission despite “severe challenges” that the flight relocation and other restrictions pose, Roman said. “We will continue to do our sworn duty to seek out dangerous criminal aliens and other immigration violators,” she said.

In a statement reacting to the Oregon courthouse arrest ban, ICE said it had turned to arresting immigrants at courthouses because of policies preventing county jails and state prisons from transferring inmates to the agency. “A courthouse may afford the most likely opportunity to locate a target and take him or her into custody,” Roman said.

Walters said her rule allowed state courts to hold accountable people accused of crimes. Washington Atty. Gen. Bob Ferguson made similar arguments when he sued the Trump administration Dec. 17 to end courthouse immigration arrests.

“Federal immigration officials are arresting people with no criminal history at all,” Ferguson said at a news conference. “As a result . individuals are refusing to participate in our justice system.”

Seven states — Washington, Oregon, California, Massachusetts, New York, New Jersey and New Mexico — have limited or blocked ICE agents from making arrests in courthouses, according to the American Civil Liberties Union of Oregon.

Post-election groundswell

Resistance to Trump’s immigration policies began in the Northwest soon after his election.

“We saw people rallying on the immigration issue who were so horrified by what they were seeing, whether it was the Muslim ban or cruel and misguided policies at the southern border,” said Enoka Herat, ACLU police practices and immigrant rights counsel in Seattle.

She was referring, in part, to Trump’s moratorium on admissions to the U.S. by people from a list of predominantly Muslim countries. The administration also came under fire for its family separation policy on the border and, later, its “Remain in Mexico” program, which keeps Central American asylum seekers waiting in Mexico.

Inslee signed an executive order in February 2017 restricting state agencies from helping to enforce federal immigration laws. But a year later, the Seattle Times reported that the Department of Licensing in Washington, a state that allows undocumented immigrants to get driver’s licenses, routinely gave ICE personal information that agents used to arrest and deport people.

Inslee told the department to stop sharing the data.

After Trump was elected, refugee rights groups formed a coalition called the Washington Immigrant Solidarity Network, which has grown to include more than 100 organizations. The network operates a statewide hotline taking information on raids and detentions by ICE and U.S. Customs and Border Protection. It trains and dispatches teams of lawyers and volunteers.

“When a call comes in about a raid, a team will go and begin to document by taking pictures, documenting the number of officers there, what types of vehicles they’re driving and who they are questioning,” said Brenda Rodríguez López, solidarity network coordinator. “The team meets with families, provides them with moral support, connects them to local resources and accompanies them to court hearings.”


The Northwest turns up the heat on ICE, making it harder to arrest and deport immigrants

A man in handcuffs locked to a belt chain trudged up metal stairs, eyes fixed on the door of a U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement charter plane bound for El Paso.

He turned and brightened when gusts carried the shrill tone of a whistle blown by one of a dozen activists 50 yards away. “No estas solo!” — You are not alone! — the activists yelled across the tarmac from behind chain-link and barbed-wire fencing.

Awkwardly, the man with a goatee and glasses — one of 51 unidentified detainees dispatched on a recent Tuesday by ICE — twisted his right wrist to wave.

Much of the focus on President Trump’s immigration crackdown has been at the U.S.-Mexico border, which has seen a surge of Central American asylum seekers hoping to cross into the United States. But more than 1,000 miles to the north, ICE finds itself bedeviled by activists, attorneys and politicians in the Pacific Northwest who are determined to gum up the machinery of immigration enforcement.

Their efforts have “significantly impacted” the agency’s ability to carry out its mission this year, said Tanya Roman, ICE spokeswoman for Washington, Oregon, Idaho and Alaska. “State and local efforts thwarting ICE operations serve only to create additional security concerns and add significant delays and costs to U.S. taxpayers,” she said in an emailed statement.

Washington state plays a lead role resisting federal immigration practices because its politics are “so diametrically opposed to the national policy of enforcement,” said Leidy Perez-Davis, policy counsel at the American Immigration Lawyers Assn. in Washington, D.C.

Opposition is also strong in Oregon, where last month state Supreme Court Chief Justice Martha L. Walters issued a rule forbidding ICE agents without warrants from arresting immigrants in or near courthouses.

In February, Washington immigrant rights attorneys won a settlement prohibiting Yakima County’s jail from holding inmates for ICE beyond their incarceration for local offenses. In May, Democratic Gov. Jay Inslee signed a measure called the Keep Washington Working Act, which curbs state and local law enforcement agencies’ collaboration with federal immigration agents and stops ICE from renting jail cells for detainees within two years.

None of these steps appeared to perturb ICE officials as much as a decision in April by western Washington’s King County to ban agency flights from Seattle’s Boeing Field. County Executive Dow Constantine said in his order that deportations raised troubling human rights concerns, “including separations of families … deportations of people into unsafe situations … and constitutional concerns of due process.”

ICE officials, turned down by other Northwest airports, were forced to switch the flights to Yakima, more than 100 miles to the southeast. Incoming and outgoing detainees are bused for hours across a snowy mountain pass between the central Washington farming hub and an ICE detention center in Tacoma.

The flights from Boeing Field had transported more than 34,000 detainees since 2010, according to public records obtained by the University of Washington Center for Human Rights. Planes most often flew to either Mesa, Ariz., or El Paso. From there, deportees were delivered to domestic detention centers, bused across the Mexican border or put on connecting flights to other countries.

ICE persists with its mission despite “severe challenges” that the flight relocation and other restrictions pose, Roman said. “We will continue to do our sworn duty to seek out dangerous criminal aliens and other immigration violators,” she said.

In a statement reacting to the Oregon courthouse arrest ban, ICE said it had turned to arresting immigrants at courthouses because of policies preventing county jails and state prisons from transferring inmates to the agency. “A courthouse may afford the most likely opportunity to locate a target and take him or her into custody,” Roman said.

Walters said her rule allowed state courts to hold accountable people accused of crimes. Washington Atty. Gen. Bob Ferguson made similar arguments when he sued the Trump administration Dec. 17 to end courthouse immigration arrests.

“Federal immigration officials are arresting people with no criminal history at all,” Ferguson said at a news conference. “As a result . individuals are refusing to participate in our justice system.”

Seven states — Washington, Oregon, California, Massachusetts, New York, New Jersey and New Mexico — have limited or blocked ICE agents from making arrests in courthouses, according to the American Civil Liberties Union of Oregon.

Post-election groundswell

Resistance to Trump’s immigration policies began in the Northwest soon after his election.

“We saw people rallying on the immigration issue who were so horrified by what they were seeing, whether it was the Muslim ban or cruel and misguided policies at the southern border,” said Enoka Herat, ACLU police practices and immigrant rights counsel in Seattle.

She was referring, in part, to Trump’s moratorium on admissions to the U.S. by people from a list of predominantly Muslim countries. The administration also came under fire for its family separation policy on the border and, later, its “Remain in Mexico” program, which keeps Central American asylum seekers waiting in Mexico.

Inslee signed an executive order in February 2017 restricting state agencies from helping to enforce federal immigration laws. But a year later, the Seattle Times reported that the Department of Licensing in Washington, a state that allows undocumented immigrants to get driver’s licenses, routinely gave ICE personal information that agents used to arrest and deport people.

Inslee told the department to stop sharing the data.

After Trump was elected, refugee rights groups formed a coalition called the Washington Immigrant Solidarity Network, which has grown to include more than 100 organizations. The network operates a statewide hotline taking information on raids and detentions by ICE and U.S. Customs and Border Protection. It trains and dispatches teams of lawyers and volunteers.

“When a call comes in about a raid, a team will go and begin to document by taking pictures, documenting the number of officers there, what types of vehicles they’re driving and who they are questioning,” said Brenda Rodríguez López, solidarity network coordinator. “The team meets with families, provides them with moral support, connects them to local resources and accompanies them to court hearings.”


The Northwest turns up the heat on ICE, making it harder to arrest and deport immigrants

A man in handcuffs locked to a belt chain trudged up metal stairs, eyes fixed on the door of a U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement charter plane bound for El Paso.

He turned and brightened when gusts carried the shrill tone of a whistle blown by one of a dozen activists 50 yards away. “No estas solo!” — You are not alone! — the activists yelled across the tarmac from behind chain-link and barbed-wire fencing.

Awkwardly, the man with a goatee and glasses — one of 51 unidentified detainees dispatched on a recent Tuesday by ICE — twisted his right wrist to wave.

Much of the focus on President Trump’s immigration crackdown has been at the U.S.-Mexico border, which has seen a surge of Central American asylum seekers hoping to cross into the United States. But more than 1,000 miles to the north, ICE finds itself bedeviled by activists, attorneys and politicians in the Pacific Northwest who are determined to gum up the machinery of immigration enforcement.

Their efforts have “significantly impacted” the agency’s ability to carry out its mission this year, said Tanya Roman, ICE spokeswoman for Washington, Oregon, Idaho and Alaska. “State and local efforts thwarting ICE operations serve only to create additional security concerns and add significant delays and costs to U.S. taxpayers,” she said in an emailed statement.

Washington state plays a lead role resisting federal immigration practices because its politics are “so diametrically opposed to the national policy of enforcement,” said Leidy Perez-Davis, policy counsel at the American Immigration Lawyers Assn. in Washington, D.C.

Opposition is also strong in Oregon, where last month state Supreme Court Chief Justice Martha L. Walters issued a rule forbidding ICE agents without warrants from arresting immigrants in or near courthouses.

In February, Washington immigrant rights attorneys won a settlement prohibiting Yakima County’s jail from holding inmates for ICE beyond their incarceration for local offenses. In May, Democratic Gov. Jay Inslee signed a measure called the Keep Washington Working Act, which curbs state and local law enforcement agencies’ collaboration with federal immigration agents and stops ICE from renting jail cells for detainees within two years.

None of these steps appeared to perturb ICE officials as much as a decision in April by western Washington’s King County to ban agency flights from Seattle’s Boeing Field. County Executive Dow Constantine said in his order that deportations raised troubling human rights concerns, “including separations of families … deportations of people into unsafe situations … and constitutional concerns of due process.”

ICE officials, turned down by other Northwest airports, were forced to switch the flights to Yakima, more than 100 miles to the southeast. Incoming and outgoing detainees are bused for hours across a snowy mountain pass between the central Washington farming hub and an ICE detention center in Tacoma.

The flights from Boeing Field had transported more than 34,000 detainees since 2010, according to public records obtained by the University of Washington Center for Human Rights. Planes most often flew to either Mesa, Ariz., or El Paso. From there, deportees were delivered to domestic detention centers, bused across the Mexican border or put on connecting flights to other countries.

ICE persists with its mission despite “severe challenges” that the flight relocation and other restrictions pose, Roman said. “We will continue to do our sworn duty to seek out dangerous criminal aliens and other immigration violators,” she said.

In a statement reacting to the Oregon courthouse arrest ban, ICE said it had turned to arresting immigrants at courthouses because of policies preventing county jails and state prisons from transferring inmates to the agency. “A courthouse may afford the most likely opportunity to locate a target and take him or her into custody,” Roman said.

Walters said her rule allowed state courts to hold accountable people accused of crimes. Washington Atty. Gen. Bob Ferguson made similar arguments when he sued the Trump administration Dec. 17 to end courthouse immigration arrests.

“Federal immigration officials are arresting people with no criminal history at all,” Ferguson said at a news conference. “As a result . individuals are refusing to participate in our justice system.”

Seven states — Washington, Oregon, California, Massachusetts, New York, New Jersey and New Mexico — have limited or blocked ICE agents from making arrests in courthouses, according to the American Civil Liberties Union of Oregon.

Post-election groundswell

Resistance to Trump’s immigration policies began in the Northwest soon after his election.

“We saw people rallying on the immigration issue who were so horrified by what they were seeing, whether it was the Muslim ban or cruel and misguided policies at the southern border,” said Enoka Herat, ACLU police practices and immigrant rights counsel in Seattle.

She was referring, in part, to Trump’s moratorium on admissions to the U.S. by people from a list of predominantly Muslim countries. The administration also came under fire for its family separation policy on the border and, later, its “Remain in Mexico” program, which keeps Central American asylum seekers waiting in Mexico.

Inslee signed an executive order in February 2017 restricting state agencies from helping to enforce federal immigration laws. But a year later, the Seattle Times reported that the Department of Licensing in Washington, a state that allows undocumented immigrants to get driver’s licenses, routinely gave ICE personal information that agents used to arrest and deport people.

Inslee told the department to stop sharing the data.

After Trump was elected, refugee rights groups formed a coalition called the Washington Immigrant Solidarity Network, which has grown to include more than 100 organizations. The network operates a statewide hotline taking information on raids and detentions by ICE and U.S. Customs and Border Protection. It trains and dispatches teams of lawyers and volunteers.

“When a call comes in about a raid, a team will go and begin to document by taking pictures, documenting the number of officers there, what types of vehicles they’re driving and who they are questioning,” said Brenda Rodríguez López, solidarity network coordinator. “The team meets with families, provides them with moral support, connects them to local resources and accompanies them to court hearings.”


The Northwest turns up the heat on ICE, making it harder to arrest and deport immigrants

A man in handcuffs locked to a belt chain trudged up metal stairs, eyes fixed on the door of a U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement charter plane bound for El Paso.

He turned and brightened when gusts carried the shrill tone of a whistle blown by one of a dozen activists 50 yards away. “No estas solo!” — You are not alone! — the activists yelled across the tarmac from behind chain-link and barbed-wire fencing.

Awkwardly, the man with a goatee and glasses — one of 51 unidentified detainees dispatched on a recent Tuesday by ICE — twisted his right wrist to wave.

Much of the focus on President Trump’s immigration crackdown has been at the U.S.-Mexico border, which has seen a surge of Central American asylum seekers hoping to cross into the United States. But more than 1,000 miles to the north, ICE finds itself bedeviled by activists, attorneys and politicians in the Pacific Northwest who are determined to gum up the machinery of immigration enforcement.

Their efforts have “significantly impacted” the agency’s ability to carry out its mission this year, said Tanya Roman, ICE spokeswoman for Washington, Oregon, Idaho and Alaska. “State and local efforts thwarting ICE operations serve only to create additional security concerns and add significant delays and costs to U.S. taxpayers,” she said in an emailed statement.

Washington state plays a lead role resisting federal immigration practices because its politics are “so diametrically opposed to the national policy of enforcement,” said Leidy Perez-Davis, policy counsel at the American Immigration Lawyers Assn. in Washington, D.C.

Opposition is also strong in Oregon, where last month state Supreme Court Chief Justice Martha L. Walters issued a rule forbidding ICE agents without warrants from arresting immigrants in or near courthouses.

In February, Washington immigrant rights attorneys won a settlement prohibiting Yakima County’s jail from holding inmates for ICE beyond their incarceration for local offenses. In May, Democratic Gov. Jay Inslee signed a measure called the Keep Washington Working Act, which curbs state and local law enforcement agencies’ collaboration with federal immigration agents and stops ICE from renting jail cells for detainees within two years.

None of these steps appeared to perturb ICE officials as much as a decision in April by western Washington’s King County to ban agency flights from Seattle’s Boeing Field. County Executive Dow Constantine said in his order that deportations raised troubling human rights concerns, “including separations of families … deportations of people into unsafe situations … and constitutional concerns of due process.”

ICE officials, turned down by other Northwest airports, were forced to switch the flights to Yakima, more than 100 miles to the southeast. Incoming and outgoing detainees are bused for hours across a snowy mountain pass between the central Washington farming hub and an ICE detention center in Tacoma.

The flights from Boeing Field had transported more than 34,000 detainees since 2010, according to public records obtained by the University of Washington Center for Human Rights. Planes most often flew to either Mesa, Ariz., or El Paso. From there, deportees were delivered to domestic detention centers, bused across the Mexican border or put on connecting flights to other countries.

ICE persists with its mission despite “severe challenges” that the flight relocation and other restrictions pose, Roman said. “We will continue to do our sworn duty to seek out dangerous criminal aliens and other immigration violators,” she said.

In a statement reacting to the Oregon courthouse arrest ban, ICE said it had turned to arresting immigrants at courthouses because of policies preventing county jails and state prisons from transferring inmates to the agency. “A courthouse may afford the most likely opportunity to locate a target and take him or her into custody,” Roman said.

Walters said her rule allowed state courts to hold accountable people accused of crimes. Washington Atty. Gen. Bob Ferguson made similar arguments when he sued the Trump administration Dec. 17 to end courthouse immigration arrests.

“Federal immigration officials are arresting people with no criminal history at all,” Ferguson said at a news conference. “As a result . individuals are refusing to participate in our justice system.”

Seven states — Washington, Oregon, California, Massachusetts, New York, New Jersey and New Mexico — have limited or blocked ICE agents from making arrests in courthouses, according to the American Civil Liberties Union of Oregon.

Post-election groundswell

Resistance to Trump’s immigration policies began in the Northwest soon after his election.

“We saw people rallying on the immigration issue who were so horrified by what they were seeing, whether it was the Muslim ban or cruel and misguided policies at the southern border,” said Enoka Herat, ACLU police practices and immigrant rights counsel in Seattle.

She was referring, in part, to Trump’s moratorium on admissions to the U.S. by people from a list of predominantly Muslim countries. The administration also came under fire for its family separation policy on the border and, later, its “Remain in Mexico” program, which keeps Central American asylum seekers waiting in Mexico.

Inslee signed an executive order in February 2017 restricting state agencies from helping to enforce federal immigration laws. But a year later, the Seattle Times reported that the Department of Licensing in Washington, a state that allows undocumented immigrants to get driver’s licenses, routinely gave ICE personal information that agents used to arrest and deport people.

Inslee told the department to stop sharing the data.

After Trump was elected, refugee rights groups formed a coalition called the Washington Immigrant Solidarity Network, which has grown to include more than 100 organizations. The network operates a statewide hotline taking information on raids and detentions by ICE and U.S. Customs and Border Protection. It trains and dispatches teams of lawyers and volunteers.

“When a call comes in about a raid, a team will go and begin to document by taking pictures, documenting the number of officers there, what types of vehicles they’re driving and who they are questioning,” said Brenda Rodríguez López, solidarity network coordinator. “The team meets with families, provides them with moral support, connects them to local resources and accompanies them to court hearings.”


The Northwest turns up the heat on ICE, making it harder to arrest and deport immigrants

A man in handcuffs locked to a belt chain trudged up metal stairs, eyes fixed on the door of a U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement charter plane bound for El Paso.

He turned and brightened when gusts carried the shrill tone of a whistle blown by one of a dozen activists 50 yards away. “No estas solo!” — You are not alone! — the activists yelled across the tarmac from behind chain-link and barbed-wire fencing.

Awkwardly, the man with a goatee and glasses — one of 51 unidentified detainees dispatched on a recent Tuesday by ICE — twisted his right wrist to wave.

Much of the focus on President Trump’s immigration crackdown has been at the U.S.-Mexico border, which has seen a surge of Central American asylum seekers hoping to cross into the United States. But more than 1,000 miles to the north, ICE finds itself bedeviled by activists, attorneys and politicians in the Pacific Northwest who are determined to gum up the machinery of immigration enforcement.

Their efforts have “significantly impacted” the agency’s ability to carry out its mission this year, said Tanya Roman, ICE spokeswoman for Washington, Oregon, Idaho and Alaska. “State and local efforts thwarting ICE operations serve only to create additional security concerns and add significant delays and costs to U.S. taxpayers,” she said in an emailed statement.

Washington state plays a lead role resisting federal immigration practices because its politics are “so diametrically opposed to the national policy of enforcement,” said Leidy Perez-Davis, policy counsel at the American Immigration Lawyers Assn. in Washington, D.C.

Opposition is also strong in Oregon, where last month state Supreme Court Chief Justice Martha L. Walters issued a rule forbidding ICE agents without warrants from arresting immigrants in or near courthouses.

In February, Washington immigrant rights attorneys won a settlement prohibiting Yakima County’s jail from holding inmates for ICE beyond their incarceration for local offenses. In May, Democratic Gov. Jay Inslee signed a measure called the Keep Washington Working Act, which curbs state and local law enforcement agencies’ collaboration with federal immigration agents and stops ICE from renting jail cells for detainees within two years.

None of these steps appeared to perturb ICE officials as much as a decision in April by western Washington’s King County to ban agency flights from Seattle’s Boeing Field. County Executive Dow Constantine said in his order that deportations raised troubling human rights concerns, “including separations of families … deportations of people into unsafe situations … and constitutional concerns of due process.”

ICE officials, turned down by other Northwest airports, were forced to switch the flights to Yakima, more than 100 miles to the southeast. Incoming and outgoing detainees are bused for hours across a snowy mountain pass between the central Washington farming hub and an ICE detention center in Tacoma.

The flights from Boeing Field had transported more than 34,000 detainees since 2010, according to public records obtained by the University of Washington Center for Human Rights. Planes most often flew to either Mesa, Ariz., or El Paso. From there, deportees were delivered to domestic detention centers, bused across the Mexican border or put on connecting flights to other countries.

ICE persists with its mission despite “severe challenges” that the flight relocation and other restrictions pose, Roman said. “We will continue to do our sworn duty to seek out dangerous criminal aliens and other immigration violators,” she said.

In a statement reacting to the Oregon courthouse arrest ban, ICE said it had turned to arresting immigrants at courthouses because of policies preventing county jails and state prisons from transferring inmates to the agency. “A courthouse may afford the most likely opportunity to locate a target and take him or her into custody,” Roman said.

Walters said her rule allowed state courts to hold accountable people accused of crimes. Washington Atty. Gen. Bob Ferguson made similar arguments when he sued the Trump administration Dec. 17 to end courthouse immigration arrests.

“Federal immigration officials are arresting people with no criminal history at all,” Ferguson said at a news conference. “As a result . individuals are refusing to participate in our justice system.”

Seven states — Washington, Oregon, California, Massachusetts, New York, New Jersey and New Mexico — have limited or blocked ICE agents from making arrests in courthouses, according to the American Civil Liberties Union of Oregon.

Post-election groundswell

Resistance to Trump’s immigration policies began in the Northwest soon after his election.

“We saw people rallying on the immigration issue who were so horrified by what they were seeing, whether it was the Muslim ban or cruel and misguided policies at the southern border,” said Enoka Herat, ACLU police practices and immigrant rights counsel in Seattle.

She was referring, in part, to Trump’s moratorium on admissions to the U.S. by people from a list of predominantly Muslim countries. The administration also came under fire for its family separation policy on the border and, later, its “Remain in Mexico” program, which keeps Central American asylum seekers waiting in Mexico.

Inslee signed an executive order in February 2017 restricting state agencies from helping to enforce federal immigration laws. But a year later, the Seattle Times reported that the Department of Licensing in Washington, a state that allows undocumented immigrants to get driver’s licenses, routinely gave ICE personal information that agents used to arrest and deport people.

Inslee told the department to stop sharing the data.

After Trump was elected, refugee rights groups formed a coalition called the Washington Immigrant Solidarity Network, which has grown to include more than 100 organizations. The network operates a statewide hotline taking information on raids and detentions by ICE and U.S. Customs and Border Protection. It trains and dispatches teams of lawyers and volunteers.

“When a call comes in about a raid, a team will go and begin to document by taking pictures, documenting the number of officers there, what types of vehicles they’re driving and who they are questioning,” said Brenda Rodríguez López, solidarity network coordinator. “The team meets with families, provides them with moral support, connects them to local resources and accompanies them to court hearings.”


The Northwest turns up the heat on ICE, making it harder to arrest and deport immigrants

A man in handcuffs locked to a belt chain trudged up metal stairs, eyes fixed on the door of a U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement charter plane bound for El Paso.

He turned and brightened when gusts carried the shrill tone of a whistle blown by one of a dozen activists 50 yards away. “No estas solo!” — You are not alone! — the activists yelled across the tarmac from behind chain-link and barbed-wire fencing.

Awkwardly, the man with a goatee and glasses — one of 51 unidentified detainees dispatched on a recent Tuesday by ICE — twisted his right wrist to wave.

Much of the focus on President Trump’s immigration crackdown has been at the U.S.-Mexico border, which has seen a surge of Central American asylum seekers hoping to cross into the United States. But more than 1,000 miles to the north, ICE finds itself bedeviled by activists, attorneys and politicians in the Pacific Northwest who are determined to gum up the machinery of immigration enforcement.

Their efforts have “significantly impacted” the agency’s ability to carry out its mission this year, said Tanya Roman, ICE spokeswoman for Washington, Oregon, Idaho and Alaska. “State and local efforts thwarting ICE operations serve only to create additional security concerns and add significant delays and costs to U.S. taxpayers,” she said in an emailed statement.

Washington state plays a lead role resisting federal immigration practices because its politics are “so diametrically opposed to the national policy of enforcement,” said Leidy Perez-Davis, policy counsel at the American Immigration Lawyers Assn. in Washington, D.C.

Opposition is also strong in Oregon, where last month state Supreme Court Chief Justice Martha L. Walters issued a rule forbidding ICE agents without warrants from arresting immigrants in or near courthouses.

In February, Washington immigrant rights attorneys won a settlement prohibiting Yakima County’s jail from holding inmates for ICE beyond their incarceration for local offenses. In May, Democratic Gov. Jay Inslee signed a measure called the Keep Washington Working Act, which curbs state and local law enforcement agencies’ collaboration with federal immigration agents and stops ICE from renting jail cells for detainees within two years.

None of these steps appeared to perturb ICE officials as much as a decision in April by western Washington’s King County to ban agency flights from Seattle’s Boeing Field. County Executive Dow Constantine said in his order that deportations raised troubling human rights concerns, “including separations of families … deportations of people into unsafe situations … and constitutional concerns of due process.”

ICE officials, turned down by other Northwest airports, were forced to switch the flights to Yakima, more than 100 miles to the southeast. Incoming and outgoing detainees are bused for hours across a snowy mountain pass between the central Washington farming hub and an ICE detention center in Tacoma.

The flights from Boeing Field had transported more than 34,000 detainees since 2010, according to public records obtained by the University of Washington Center for Human Rights. Planes most often flew to either Mesa, Ariz., or El Paso. From there, deportees were delivered to domestic detention centers, bused across the Mexican border or put on connecting flights to other countries.

ICE persists with its mission despite “severe challenges” that the flight relocation and other restrictions pose, Roman said. “We will continue to do our sworn duty to seek out dangerous criminal aliens and other immigration violators,” she said.

In a statement reacting to the Oregon courthouse arrest ban, ICE said it had turned to arresting immigrants at courthouses because of policies preventing county jails and state prisons from transferring inmates to the agency. “A courthouse may afford the most likely opportunity to locate a target and take him or her into custody,” Roman said.

Walters said her rule allowed state courts to hold accountable people accused of crimes. Washington Atty. Gen. Bob Ferguson made similar arguments when he sued the Trump administration Dec. 17 to end courthouse immigration arrests.

“Federal immigration officials are arresting people with no criminal history at all,” Ferguson said at a news conference. “As a result . individuals are refusing to participate in our justice system.”

Seven states — Washington, Oregon, California, Massachusetts, New York, New Jersey and New Mexico — have limited or blocked ICE agents from making arrests in courthouses, according to the American Civil Liberties Union of Oregon.

Post-election groundswell

Resistance to Trump’s immigration policies began in the Northwest soon after his election.

“We saw people rallying on the immigration issue who were so horrified by what they were seeing, whether it was the Muslim ban or cruel and misguided policies at the southern border,” said Enoka Herat, ACLU police practices and immigrant rights counsel in Seattle.

She was referring, in part, to Trump’s moratorium on admissions to the U.S. by people from a list of predominantly Muslim countries. The administration also came under fire for its family separation policy on the border and, later, its “Remain in Mexico” program, which keeps Central American asylum seekers waiting in Mexico.

Inslee signed an executive order in February 2017 restricting state agencies from helping to enforce federal immigration laws. But a year later, the Seattle Times reported that the Department of Licensing in Washington, a state that allows undocumented immigrants to get driver’s licenses, routinely gave ICE personal information that agents used to arrest and deport people.

Inslee told the department to stop sharing the data.

After Trump was elected, refugee rights groups formed a coalition called the Washington Immigrant Solidarity Network, which has grown to include more than 100 organizations. The network operates a statewide hotline taking information on raids and detentions by ICE and U.S. Customs and Border Protection. It trains and dispatches teams of lawyers and volunteers.

“When a call comes in about a raid, a team will go and begin to document by taking pictures, documenting the number of officers there, what types of vehicles they’re driving and who they are questioning,” said Brenda Rodríguez López, solidarity network coordinator. “The team meets with families, provides them with moral support, connects them to local resources and accompanies them to court hearings.”


Watch the video: ΓΙΑΤΙ ΔΕΝ ΤΡΩΩ ΚΡΕΑΣ ; ΑΚΡΕΟΦΑΓΙΑ (November 2021).